Having said that, I'm still not entirely convinced that
George Osborne's got it right. The thing is that he seems to have misunderstood
the nature of the problem he is trying to solve. Conventional wisdom is that
"there's not enough money". But that's not right. Thanks to Sir
Mervyn King's printing press, there's more money than there's ever been in
history. The problem is that it's not moving about fast enough.
You see, "the economy" is simply a word we use to
describe economic activity. The key word here is activity. If a pound is
printed by the Bank, and promptly sits in the vaults of Barclays for a year
then that pound has been worth a pound. However, if it is spent by an old lady
on a bus fare which is used to pay a bus driver who uses it to buy some chips
from a chippie who repaints her shop with paint from Homebase who pay it in
corporation tax to the Chancellor who uses it to pay a teacher who uses it to
pay his mortgage, then that pound has been worth seven pounds by the end of the
year. Each time that pound changes hands, the great GDP-omiter clunks up
another quid. The Chancellor's task, therefore, is to work out how to make
Mervyn's millions move faster.
OK, so how do we do that? Well, if you want money to move
faster, you need to get it into the hands of people who will spend it. A pound
in a pocket is of no value to the economy: a pound in a palm is. By far the
people most likely to spend all the money they're given are the poor. It's
obvious when you think about it. Money given to the poor is valuable to the economy,
money given to the rich stagnates; especially in a recession when confidence is
low and everyone who can will hoard cash for a rainy day.
This is why "we're all in it together" isn't just about
fairness, it's about economic necessity.
So how did George do? Well, despite the pain there were a few tax cuts in
today's autumn statement. Increases to the personal allowance, tweaks to inheritance tax and a headline cut in corporation tax make sense.
Companies now exist in a global marketplace, and it makes sense to attract
firms to Britain. The reason Starbucks pay no tax in Britain is because they'd
pay less by pretending their coffee shops are in Switzerland. Cut their taxes,
and they might actually pay them.
There was also a cut in planned fuel duty. This seems a shame. 50% of the
poorest fifth do not even own a car. The one tax cut we've got and 50% of the
poor won't get a penny from it. Conversely, the continued squeeze on both
benefits and tax credits will significantly reduce their real incomes. Taking
money from the only group certain to spend it might not be the best idea for
growing the economy.
So what is to be done? Well, perhaps instead of taking money
from the people most likely to spend it, we should give them more. By all means
make the structural changes to welfare that need to be made (and some do). But
provide transitional support to get the poorest through the change. Good idea,
but where will the money come from? Why, from Sir Mervyn, of course.
Britain’s Quantitative
Easing of £375 billion is worth £6,000 per head or £24,000 per family. Directed
at the two-thirds of households with incomes below average (yes, most of us!)
and that works out as a transitional payment of roughly £15,000 per household.
Assume it's paid over three years, and that's an extra £5k per year to adjust
to the pain of reduced public services.
That way, the Government
gets to stick to its austerity plans while the poor kick start spending in the
economy. Let's call it "trickle up". Unlike trickle down (the
economic creed beloved of Thatcherites) it might even work.
I think we ought to get some politicians (and economists?) to read this blog post...
ReplyDeleteVery interesting, Thomas, thank you. It's refreshing to read about these issues in a way that is well-evidenced rather than just rhetorical and I'm inclined to agree entirely - put money in the hands of those who'll spend it. I'm intrigued, though, as to what response the austerity-meisters might provide, as they'd surely disagree with your analysis? Might have to go and find me a couple of books on macro-economics.
The proof is in the pudding - I work in the public sector, along with a lot of other people, and I have cut back further than I immediately need to because I know that my income is going down and down and I could lose my job.
ReplyDeleteThis is called a collapse in confidence and the more the chancellor bangs the austerity drum the more confidence will collapse, the less economic activity there will be and the deeper in the do-do we shall all find ourselves.
Austeriy might work if Britain had been suffering from an a-symetric depression - i.e. if the rest of the world were consuming and growing fast and therefore a ready market for British goods and services; think of a household down on its luck in an otherwise prosperous neighbourhood, where belts can be tighted and dad can get on his bike and look for work. This clearly isn't the case, not least since our primary trading partner (Europe) is teetering on the edge of collapse; think of a household in a neighbourhood where everyone is broke.
Until the global economy picks-up, the Government needs to keep the economy afloat, not least by ensuring that the real domestic economy (that's teachers, builders, nurses and shop workers etc spending money and doing stuff doing stuff) afloat but it's obsession with austerity is in danger of doing the opposite!
But then, perhaps there is method in the maddness - if statecraft (i.e. the art of staying in Government) is the name of the game then 'truth' doesn't really matter and the household economy myth is pretty deep rooted in the popular imagination - and let's not forget that the very rich have done very well out of all of this, with their absolute and relative wealth continuing to soar.
The problem is that the Government is not entirely in control of its own destiny. Bill Clinton was right - the bond markets dictate, and they seem capable of some pretty self-sacrificial decisions. QE might provide the opportunity to combine a bit of Keynesian counter-cyclical demand stimulation with a fig leaf of fiscal rectitude.
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